DSpace コレクション: 2019-03-152019-03-15http://hdl.handle.net/11173/27412023-11-02T17:50:10Z2023-11-02T17:50:10ZCultures of( dis) remembrance : War Memories at Shuri CastleAukema, Justinhttp://hdl.handle.net/11173/28532020-06-24T08:05:42Z2019-03-14T15:00:00Zタイトル: Cultures of( dis) remembrance : War Memories at Shuri Castle
著者: Aukema, Justin
抄録: This paper examines the history of the 32nd Imperial Japanese Army headquarters tunnels, a major wartime heritage site, or, war site( sensō iseki), from the 1945 Battle of Okinawa. The paper shows that the tunnels, and their roles in history and memory, have been shaped by the successive and cumulative effects of past and ongoing discourses in a process that it calls “cultures of (dis) remembrance.” In this context, the paper highlights three discourses that impacted the fate of the 32nd Army tunnels. The first is a pre-1945 “assimilation discourse,” in which Japanese and Okinawan officials argued the historical and cultural similarities between the two regions to integrate the islands into Japan’s imperial nation-building project. This transformed Shuri Castle, the seat of power for the autonomous Ryukyu Kingdom, into a staging ground for the dissemination of patriotic Japanese education, and it paved the way for the 32nd Army tunnels to be built there during the Battle of Okinawa. The second is a post-1945 “Cold War discourse” in which U.S. army occupiers remodeled memories and markers of Ryukyuan cultural heritage and Japanese militarism to align with their postwar vision for Okinawa; namely, this was as a showcase for U.S.-style liberal democracy and as a springboard for the Cold War. In this milieu, the remains of Shuri Castle were reconstructed as the University of the Ryukyus, while the 32nd Army tunnels were cast into the dustbin of history. The harshness of American military rule, however, caused many Okinawans to push for reversion to Japan, and, in this background, wartime heritage sites were used to promote nationalistic narratives of shared Okinawan-Japanese sacrifice for the “homeland.” After Okinawa returned to Japan in 1972, dual visions of the island’s heritage emerged. On the one hand, Okinawan progressives saw the 32nd Army tunnels as reminders of Okinawa’s subordinate position vis-à-vis the Japanese nation-state and the cause of the island’s wartime destruction. On the other hand, some conservative politicians sought to erase memories of the tunnels in favor of an affirmative view of Okinawa’s cultural identity. 本論文では、沖縄戦(1945年4 月─ 6 月)における代表的な戦争遺跡である32軍司令部壕の歴史について分析する。その中で、32軍司令部壕及びそれにまつわる歴史と記憶が現在までの連続的・累積的な言説の結果によって形成されてきたということを主張し、その過程を「(非)記憶する文化」と呼ぶことにしている。本論文は32軍司令部壕の運命に特に大きな影響を与えた三つの言説を指摘する。一つ目は、沖縄を日本帝国に統合するため、沖縄と日本の関係者が両地域の歴史的・文化的な類似点を論じた1945年以前の「同化言説」である。これによって、首里城は独立国家であった琉球王国の権力の府という立場から、日本の愛国教育を普及させるための拠点に変身させられた他、1945年の沖縄戦において同地での32軍司令部豪の建設を主導する拠点ともなった。二つ目は、「冷戦言説」である。この言説では、米国占領軍は自ら目指していた戦後沖縄イメージ(すなわちアメリカ流自由民主主義の見本及び冷戦を遂行するための拠点)を構築するため、琉球伝統文化、及び日本の軍国主義に関する記憶や痕跡を変容させようとした。この文脈において、廃墟となった首里城を琉球大学として再構築し、32軍司令部壕は忘却の彼方へと沈んでいった。しかし米軍の厳格な支配により、多くの沖縄市民は沖縄の日本本土への返還を訴えるようになった。そのため、32軍司令部壕のような戦争遺産は沖縄と日本が「祖国」のために成し得た共同的な犠牲についての国家主義的な語りを推進するために利用された。そして、沖縄の1972年の返還後は、沖縄の遺産について二つの異なる見解が現れた。まず、沖縄の進歩派にとって32軍司令部壕は日本の中での沖縄の下位的地位を表す象徴であり、また戦争における沖縄そのものの物質的破壊を招いた原因でもあった。一方、ある保守系政治家は、日本国家概念を固定した沖縄文化遺産についてのイメージを助長させるために、地下壕にまつわる記憶を抹消しようとしてきた。2019-03-14T15:00:00Z臨床医療における問題解決型コミュニケーションの理論と実践 : 倫理コンサルテーションと医療メディエーションを中心に吉村, 理津子http://hdl.handle.net/11173/28542019-06-24T16:30:38Z2019-03-14T15:00:00Zタイトル: 臨床医療における問題解決型コミュニケーションの理論と実践 : 倫理コンサルテーションと医療メディエーションを中心に
著者: 吉村, 理津子2019-03-14T15:00:00ZSNSは人間関係を変えたのか?正木, 大貴http://hdl.handle.net/11173/28552019-06-24T16:30:38Z2019-03-14T15:00:00Zタイトル: SNSは人間関係を変えたのか?
著者: 正木, 大貴
抄録: The SNS has made a quantum leap of progress, the possibility of connecting people with others has spread. At the same time, we were also faced with difficulties in communication. The purpose of this paper is to clarify how the evolution of SNS and the way of human relations are affected. SNS is also used to maintain existing human relationships in addition to connecting with new people. Unlike a real human relationship, SNS is because we can communicate comfortably without being deeply involved with other parties. Nowadays, a superficial human relationship that avoids the risk of injuring or being hurt the opponent is required. This kind of “safe” relationship has advantages and disadvantages, and SNS has minimized its disadvantages. Because the negative side of SNS is not a strong connection, it is a point that it is necessary to obtain approval over and over again. Since “Like” function complements it, we can recognize each other by exchanging, so to speak, “light” approval. In addition, this “light” approval such as SNS has an influence on the diversified present interpersonal relationship. The “diversity” that we now acknowledge is not something that has been achieved in a deep understanding of each other, but also allows others to feel recognized.2019-03-14T15:00:00Z戦後期鳥取県における女性議員の誕生 : 初の女性代議士田中たつ竹安, 栄子http://hdl.handle.net/11173/28492021-06-11T05:44:38Z2019-03-14T15:00:00Zタイトル: 戦後期鳥取県における女性議員の誕生 : 初の女性代議士田中たつ
著者: 竹安, 栄子
抄録: It is well-known that the first post-war Lower House general election of 1946, since which Japanese women have been enfranchised up until now, resulted in 39 out of 79 female candidates being elected Japan’s first women member of Lower House. These represented 8. 4% of total seats and the rate was considered to be the highest level in the world those days. In the next Lower House general election of 1947, however, the proportion of the women member surprisingly plummeted, namely, seats by women to 15 and its percentage of total to 3. 2%. And since the year of 1947, women’s share in politics has subsequently been remaining low level in Japan. This paper firstly introduces one of the foregoing 39 female election winners, Tatsu Tanaka from Tottori Prefecture, by tracing her biography and clarifying the motives and background behind her candidacy. Through discussing and analyzing the findings, this paper also identifies the factors for the long-standing delay in Japanese women’s advancement into politics.2019-03-14T15:00:00Z